Author

Brian Wilson

Brian Wilson has 49 articles published.

SINIXT NATION PORTRAITS BY N. A. DELANEY

in Boundary/First Nations by

Montana photographer N. A. Delaney is a mystery as nothing appears in any lists of camera workers for the period for anyone of this name. What we do have is this wonderful collection of portraits of Sinixt peoples of the Boundary area of Arrow and Kootenay Lakes. Delaney adorned his subjects with contrived costumes and props to add a marketability to his prints.
I purchased them from a book store in Calgary in 1986. The originals are now part of the private archive (Langmann coll). OATS has these copies for your enjoyment.

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https://sinixtnation.org/

WALTER MOBERLY – THE MAN WHO OPENED THE WEST

in CPR Railway/Old Cariboo Trail by

Walter Moberly was one of the great builders in B.C. History, and he ranks with explorers like Alexander MacKenzie, and David Thompson. He participated in two great achievements in the early development of British Columbia. These were the construction of the Cariboo road and the survey for an overland railway across British North America.
In spite of his accomplishments he was not honored in his time and has not been duly recognized since.
Moberly possessed tremendous energy and enthusiasm and was unquestionably a great engineer. The great dream that drove him on was the charting of the route for a transcontinental railway close to the U.S. Border, which would link Canada from coast to coast and hold the country for the Queen.
Walter spent much of his youth in Barrie, Ontario. Here he became acquainted with the daughter of Colonel Bernard. She later became the wife of Canada’s Prime Minister, Sir John A. MacDonald. The friendship of these three continued over many years and later proved to be a significant factor in the construction of the CPR.
Between the years 1854 – 1857, Moberly spent much his time exploring the region north of Lakes Huron and Superior. It would seem that even then he had a passion for exploring and already had the idea of a transcontinental railway across Canada. In his notes he said: “They were the first explorations made that had in view, a future transcontinental railway.”
It was during the winters of those years, that he became acquainted with the artist, Paul Kane. Kane had just returned from an overland journey to the Pacific Coast under the leadership of Sir George Simpson, governor of Hudson’s Bay Company. Kane imparted to his eager listener a great deal of information about the vast extent of territory he had traversed.
By that time, Moberly had become convinced that a transcontinental railway was the only way to secure British North America’s future as a nation. Accordingly, when he learned in 1857, that the British Government was sending out an expedition under Captain Palliser with the purpose of finding a route to the Pacific Coast, Moberly made plans to meet the captain.
News of the first gold strikes on the Fraser River spurred on Moberly. To obtain funds to carry out this great plan, he sold out all his timber holdings in Ontario, and through Kane, obtained a letter of introduction from Sir George Simpson, governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company, to Sir James Douglas, governor of British Columbia.
In San Francisco, he found a ship bound for Esquimalt, and reached that port late in 1858. He walked over a muddy road to Victoria, where he found the little town full of gold miners who had taken part in the first gold rush to the gravel bars on the Fraser River.
He called upon Governor Douglas, and was immediately offered an appointment in the government service. Moberly declined because he wanted to meet Captain Palliser and to be free to carry out his own explorations.
Governor Douglas gave Moberly his best wishes and a letter to the factors of the Hudson’s Bay Company requesting their co-operation. The governor also asked Moberly to report on the feasibility of the Harrison Lake-Lillooet route to the interior.
Early in 1859 Moberly crossed the Gulf of Georgia on the steamer Otter to Fort Langley, where he met William Yate, chief factor on the Fraser River.
Next day he proceeded up the Fraser on the stern-wheeler Enterprise, the first steamer to navigate the river to Yale, under “that prince of good fellows, Capt. Tom Wright.”
At the mouth of the Harrison River he disembarked and secured a canoe at a neighboring native village, and paddled to Fort Douglas at the head of Harrison Lake. He found the post full of miners and packers en route to the interior, and followed this route up the Lillooet River to Lillooet Lake and then portaged eastward to the Fraser. Moberly recorded the journey in his diary as a cold and miserable experience. Lack of food forced him to return to Fort Langley. He was convinced that this was not a suitable route for a railway.
He then returned to Victoria and reported to Governor Douglas. He advised that certain improvements could be made on the portages on the Harrison-Lillooet route and at the rapid on Harris River. These reports were the first regarding public works on the mainland of British Columbia. When Colonel Moody of the Royal Engineers arrived these plans were approved and quickly carried out. Moberly also reported favorably on the site of the present city of New Westminster as being an excellent location for a capital.
Early in 1859, at his own expense, Moberly made preparations for his exploration along the Fraser and he examined the formidable canyons between Yale and the Thompson River. He again reported to Governor Douglas that a wagon road or a railroad, while it would be costly, was more than possible.
In August the energetic Moberly cut a trail through the dense forest from New Westminster to the site of Port Moody on Burrard Inlet. He described the fine harbor stretching seaward as a suitable site for the terminus of a trans-continental railway.
On his return to Coal Harbor from Howe Sound he pre-empted waterfront land on the site of Vancouver city which he thought an ideal site for a great port.
He spent the winter of 1859-1860 in Victoria where he met Captain Palliser and Doctor Hector and other members of their party. They had reported to Governor Douglas, that after a thorough examination of the passes, they were of the opinion that a railway could not be built through the mountains of southern British Columbia because of the impassable coast range. This was very discouraging to Moberly who had spent most of his personal wealth in this exploration. Governor Douglas refused government backing for any further search for a route for a transcontinental railway.

The great bluff at mile 88 of the Thompson River stretch of the Cariboo Trail was part of Moberly’s section completed in 1864. It remained in service well into the next century. This photo was taken by Notman photographer Benjamin Baltzly, and is part of the Stocks Collection.


In the interval before Moberly’s participation in the building of the Cariboo road, he worked with Edgar Dewdney, in the surveying of the Dewdney Trail eastward from Hope through to the Similkameen country.
By 1860 it was felt that the main gold fields of B.C. would be found in the upper Fraser, in the Cariboo. Alfred Waddington proposed a route eastward from the head of Bute Inlet. A Mr. Green advocated a more northerly road from the head of Bentinck Arm where Bella Coola is now located as a less rugged route. Interests in Victoria hoped that one of these two would be adopted. Governor Douglas himself favoured the old Harrison-Lillooet route, but Moberly persuaded Moody to support the Fraser Canyon route and the two together finally won over the governor.
Then Waddington’s party met with disaster. The Natives of the district had become hostile through grievances, and they attacked and wiped out Waddington’s party. The Natives responsible were tried and hanged by a court presided over by Judge Begbie.
Moberly then formed a partnership with Charles Oppenheimer and T.B. Lewis to build the
Cariboo Trail. The government granted a charter, giving them the right to collect road tolls, and provided them with subsidies to help finance the construction.
Construction of the road was to be in sections: Yale to Chapman’s Bar was to be the task of Captain Grant and the Royal Engineers; Joseph Trutch was to build the stretch from Chapman’s Bar to Boston Bar; Thomas Spence to extend the road from that point to Lytton; Moberly’s firm was to build along the Thompson River and link with G.B. Wright’s section, which was to be built northward from Alexandria.
Moberly was to locate the right-of-way, Lewis was to be in charge of accounts, and Oppenheimer was to secure supplies and finances.
From the beginning there were not only the expected difficulties of building a road through very rugged country, but many unforeseen difficulties as well. Men had to carry everything over the most difficult of trails. There was very little machinery to supplement manpower in the task of carving the road through the canyons. Labor was scarce and undependable, as men were continually quit their jobs to rush off to the gold fields. Their Indian packers did not prove dependable; Chinese labor, on the other hand, proved very satisfactory. Besides all this, the financial support for the government was not forthcoming as the contractors expected. In 1862 Lewis withdrew in disgust. Moberly bought out his interest in the firm. To keep the work progressing, Moberly on his personal note, borrowed money to pay his men.

It was arranged that Oppenheimer would call on the government and try to get an advance. Meanwhile Moberly kept the work going and located a route for the road from Ashcroft to Clinton.
Troubles accumulated. Oppenheimer reported that he could get no more money. The men were clamoring for wages so Moberly decided to travel to see Governor Douglas in New Westminster. He succeeded in securing an advance of $6000 and the promise of the balance of $50,000. At Yale he found that many of the men had left because they thought Moberly was skipping the country. His men were paid out of the $6,000 and then he proceeded to Lytton where he waited for the expected government certificates. Instead, he was informed that the contract was cancelled for non-fulfillment of the terms of the agreement between his company and the government.
Moberly asserted his rights for compensation for work already completed and for the equipment and supplies on the job. However, he pulled back as he felt it was in the interest of the public and, vital to the development of the new colony, that the road be pushed through as rapidly as possible. He accordingly turned over all his interests to the government and volunteered to serve as a superintendent under other government contractors. In 1864, in association with J.B. Wright, the last section of the road was built from Alexandria through Quesnel to the Cottonwood River and on to Lightning Creek and Barkerville.
The idea of a rail route across the mountains remained his fixed purpose. So, in 1864, he handed over his department to J.W. Trutch and laid plans for the task ahead. Several routes seemed possible, but all appeared to be difficult and expensive. The first of these choices was by way of the Fraser Canyon, the North Thompson River, via Yellowhead Pass to Edmonton. This was felt to be too far north and would perhaps permit the southern part of the country to fall into the orbit of the United States. A second route that seemed a possibility was by way of the Fraser River and the South Thompson, then by a maze of canyons to the Columbia and the Great Bend, then to the Blueberry River and Howse Pass across the Rockies. A third route was by another series of canyons through the high Selkirks to the Kicking Horse Pass.
The greatest obstacle was the Gold Range, which seemed to be unbroken and impenetrable. Moberly’s party, with Albert Perry and two Indians explored the area east from Kamloops. The discovery of Eagle Pass is undoubtedly the best-known incident of the life of Walter Moberly.
He ascended the Eagle River, which flows westward from the Gold Range, and climbed to a peak where he had a wide view of the rugged area. He observed eagles flying directly into the seemingly unbroken wall of the mountains where they disappeared. A careful examination of the area fulfilled his hopes and Eagle Pass was discovered. Moberly blazed several trees, and reminiscent of that earlier trailblazer, Alexander MacKenzie, he wrote in colored chalk: “This is the route of the overland railway.”
“I then knew that an imperial highway of the greatest value to the British Empire and to British North America was a certainty, and I felt gratified that the years of toil, of hardships, of privation and expense I had incurred, would be of great and lasting benefit to my native and adopted countries – England and Canada.”
They then examined the Illecillewaet, hoping to locate a good pass through the Selkirks. An incomplete examination gave promise of success here too. But winter forced Moberly to suspend operations. And in the following year, 1866, Perry carried out an exploration and found the route through the Selkirks, later named Rogers Pass.
In 1866 Moberly explored the Big Bend of the Columbia from Golden to Revelstoke, and the Kootenays south to the Crowsnest Pass. He also improved the Dewdney Trail from the Similkameen to the Okanagan.
After this season’s labour was completed, he returned to New Westminster and reported to Governor Seymour. They disagreed sharply and in an angry moment, Moberly was fired as assistant surveyor-general. No subsequent offers made by the governor could placate Moberly, who announced that he was going to the United States to see what was going on there.
For four years he traveled and worked in the western United States, but kept in touch with developments in Canada. In 1871, he heard that confederation with Canada was being discussed in B.C. and that the most vital of the terms was the promise of a transcontinental railway. So he hastened back to Canada and sought an audience with his old friend, Sir John A. Macdonald. He explained his views on the matter of the transcontinental railway and suggested the route that it should follow.
Sanford Fleming was appointed engineer-in-chief and under him Moberly was to be in charge of surveys in B.C. Numerous parties were sent out under Moberly’s direction. John Trutch was in charge of surveys between Burrard Inlet and Kamloops; a Mr. Mohun was to make surveys in the Eagle Pass region; Gillette was sent to make a survey of the Howse Pass area, and Roderick McLennan was to examine the North Thompson and the Yellowhead Pass.
Moberly favored the Big Bend of the Columbia route to Howse Pass. Under difficult weather conditions Gillette completed his examination and reported that a good line, though steep, could be made through Howse Pass. His surveys could not be completed because of snowstorms and they were forced to withdraw to winter quarters at Boat Encampment on the Columbia. This report confirmed Moberly’s opinion that it was a practical route. He had crossed the pass earlier that season to meet his brother, Frank, who was surveying on the Alberta slopes of the Rockies.
Just before the opening of the new work season, and to his consternation, he received word that the Yellowhead Pass had been chosen, and the orders directed Moberly to conduct the necessary work there. He was angry and disappointed at this unexpected change in plans. And so in trying to have everything well organized and in readiness, he had incurred heavy expenses, and gained the displeasure of Fleming who censured him for exceeding his authority. Moberly’s resentment was increased by his firmly entrenched opinion that a line through the Yellowhead was too far north to hold the southern territory for Canada. He recovered his pack trains and supplies and with great difficulty moved his depot across Athabaska Pass to meet Fleming in the Yellowhead area.
Their meeting was a stormy one.
“I felt so disgusted with the engineer-in-chief for having abandoned the line which I knew to be the right one, and at his fault-finding; that I was on the point of leaving the service. I would have done so, had I not known that my men were in a critical position, and relied on me to see them through safely.” He rejoined his party and succeeded in getting them safely to the Yellowhead.
Shortly after, the orders were again changed. It was decided not to use the Yellowhead-North Thompson route. In 1873 Marcus Smith was appointed to take charge of surveys and Moberly was given the task to look for a route between the Yellowhead and Quesnel Lake. Moberly protested in that this was a waste of time. After this futile work he reported to Kamloops and turned over his equipment to Smith and quit. He had become completely embittered and disappointed at the outcome of all his plans.
He did no further work in the final stages of the surveys along the Selkirks and the Kicking Horse Pass. Throughout the rest of his long life he was highly critical of the present route of the CPR which he maintained is more expensive to operate, and more difficult to keep open than the route that he had favored.
Moberly moved to Winnipeg, and was engaged in railway construction and surveys of subsidiaries, among them the line from Winnipeg to St. Paul, Minnesota.
He kept up his friendship with Sir John A. Macdonald, and in their conversations he continually advocated the formation of a private company to build the railroad. He continued to press Prime Minister MacKenzie, that unless the railroad was built in good time, B.C. would secede from the Dominion.
Moberly lived in retirement in a simply furnished room on Hornby Street. Among his circle of friends was Noel Robinson, then a contributor to the Vancouver News-Advertiser. Mr. Robinson published a series of articles on Moberly that aroused interest in the old explorer, and for a time he was in great demand as an after-dinner speaker. The Vancouver Canadian Club made him an honorary life member.
The day before his death in 1915 he insisted in sitting in an easy chair in his room at the hospital. His voice became a whisper, but this did not prevent the old “empire builder,” from venting his outrage by cursing the Kaiser for attacking the British Empire.

– B.C. Biographical Illistrated 1914

TO A MAN – THEY WERE COAL MINERS

in Princeton/Similkameen by

THE BLAKEBURN MINE DISASTER AUG. 13, 1930

Coal is everywhere on the mountains in the Tulameen Valley. The veins of anthracite to the southwest of Coalmont are some of the best in the world and with the completion of the Kettle Valley railway in 1915 this coal could be shipped throughout the world.
The town of Blakeburn opened for business in 1920 and construction of trams, tipples, powerhouses, and mine-rails were completed to the mouths of the underground shafts by 1921.
Major investors, Blake Wilson and Pat Burns (the meat king) put the call out for miners. They came from all over the world to carve coal out of the bedrock, Scots, Poles, Yugoslavs and locals alike.
A community grew on the heights far above the valley, complete with stores, homes, school, tennis courts and sports fields. There were hockey teams, Baseball teams and a pipe band.
In its first years of operation, the collieries averaged 450 tonnes each day to the rails at the base of the tram. Operations didn’t cease until 1940.
It was the devils own work; hot and dusty; and the wages were low for grunt work. These men ate, slept and breathed coal dust for the majority of their short lives.

On August 13, 1930, 45 of them were killed.

   

It wasn’t the worst coal mine disaster in B.C. history, but it was fifth. The worst was in Nanaimo in 1887 when 148 men lost their lives to a coal explosion. But this was 1930 when safety and training was always in the forefront. Blakeburn’s rescue team won awards for first aid and rescue drills in1929 and 1930, and years after.
Number 4 shaft had had its problems prior to the explosion. A committee was formed of miners to deal with the “after-damp” in some of the caves and sills deep in the mine. When temperatures rose in some of the tunnels, they were walled over and sealed to keep carbon monoxide from leaking into the work areas. Ventilation was well served from the vents and fans.
The day of the explosion was a stormy one with considerable lightning over thick, muggy air; a typical August day where your sweat wouldn’t dry. Somehow the methane gas built up behind one of the walled-up caves. What caused it to ignite is not known but when it did, shaft number 4 came apart.
Moments before, Johnny Porchello had just waved motorman Harry Whitlam out of the shaft with 30 cars and proceeded back into No. 4. He got about 700 feet in when the lights flickered, then came on again; and then blackness. He heard a thunderous sound from deep below and dropped flat on the ground. The blast struck him and when he came to, everything was a blur. He crawled slowly forward and soon struck water. Realizing he was going the wrong way, he turned, half crawling, half running and made the entrance through the dust and rocks. Johnny was the only one to get out. Of the 46 miners, 45 were still inside.



Inspector Biggs, with the clipboard and Harry Hopkins, far right assess the entrance to No. 4.

Fresh timbers have replaced the damaged ones at the entrance and debris is cleared.

The miracle of his survival was noted in the debris that was thrown from the mouth of the shaft. A power pole was sheered off 10 feet from the ground by a rope guide reel. The reel was attached to a mine timber well down from the entrance.
Dave Gilmour was cutting wood in a shed near the portal of upper No. 4 when the blast occurred. The roof of the shed blew off and the walls collapsed with him and his children inside. Fortunately, no one was injured.
It was thought that the force of the explosion was almost spent when it reached these areas; but imagine the sheer intensity of the blast having occurred 3000 feet below ground.
The alarm went off immediately and miners from the other shafts were evacuated and rushed to the mouth of the shaft and began removing debris. Mines Inspector, John Biggs was at the Wilson tunnel and arrived within 15 minutes to assess the tragedy. He and pit boss Harry Hopkins began barking orders to begin rescue operations.
After an explosion like this, the power goes out to the ventilation system and after-damp or carbon monoxide gas starts to build up. If any miners survived the explosion, they would succumb to the gas within minutes, so time was of the essence.
It was noted that Blakeburn mines were free of gas in inspections by the Ministry of Mines since the mine opened. So there was a sense of hope and those involved with this rescue needed that hope.
As the rescue teams worked into No.4, it was evident with the discovery of the first bodies that gas was thick inside. Rescuers fled to get oxygen tanks then re-entered and continued. Then as they broke through debris at slope 2, they discovered 12 miners who only had enough time to chalk a note “up here” before they died. It was evident that hope was gone for anyone to have survived. They were now working to recover their friend’s bodies.
Fire had broken out in shafts 5 and 6 and smoke made progress impossible. Crews were able to reseal these fire areas by the 16th, and then it broke through again on slope 15 causing a cave-in that made further exploration difficult.
There was much heroism in days to come as men worked without a break. The threat of further explosions and shaft collapse were ignored by these souls as they drove to reach the depths of the mine. They had to pump water from the depths and use canaries to check gas levels. Every foot beneath was fraught with mortal danger and hopelessness.
They recovered the last of the miners on the 10th of September.

Of course there was a lengthy investigation and in a report by Chief Inspector of Mines, James Dickson, the cause was undetermined. He stated “Some witnesses reported a vivid flash of lightning in the vicinity of the mine portal at the exact minute of the explosion. All electrical cables are fitted with lightning arresters both inside and out. All arresters were found to be without signs of fusion and remained in order.”
“Apart from the distance this explosion travelled, there is no indication that coal dust played an important part. “
“The coal from this district is very subject to spontaneous combustion, and in this No. 4 mine there are a number of areas that have been sealed off on account of fire or heating. There was a decidedly high temperature in the accessible area after the explosion even after allowing for the fact that the ordinary ventilation was cut off. The entire area is now sealed off as a precaution.”
“In view of the serious loss of life due to this explosion and the difficulty in ascertaining the exact cause, I respectfully recommend that an investigation be made with a view to determining the exact cause and if possible, help to prevent such as disaster from happening again.”
This investigation was completed in October of that year and independent investigator, Thomas Graham concluded: “The lines of force clearly indicate that the source of the explosion was in the worked-out area of No. 1 slope off No. 15. The build up of gases from a heated gob in a stopped off area was the ignition point of this explosion. I am unable to arrive at a definite conclusion as to the cause or point of ignition.”

Several miners candidly reported “hard times in the mines” and rules were broken by all level of workers. This job was important and holding on to it was the difference between subsistence and sheer poverty. No big rules were broken but the job was everything so you said nothing and survived.
Manager George Murray told all rescuers that they would be paid for the hours spent in the rescue but none claimed the pay. “I couldn’t ask for pay to rescue my friends trapped in the mine.” said one worker.

 

   
A few days after the disaster, the Blakeburn Relief Fund was set up by the Princeton Board of Trade to raise funds for the widows and children. Local businessman W.A. Wagenhauser chairman, and news editor Dave Taylor was secretary. A letter was sent to all major municipalities in the province pleading for assistance. The response to the letter was overwhelming and money poured in from all over the country and, the world. The Vancouver Province alone brought in over $7,000. By the time the drive concluded, donations reached $86,000.
The fund was dispersed by the “Permanent Committee” at Blakeburn. Each widow received $20 a month with $10 for each child, to continue as long as the fund lasted. For some who requested, a ticket to the “old country’ would be provided in lieu of the pension. It seems five families accepted. Some also received a small amount from Workers Compensation Board, although the amount is not known. Forty-two of the miners are buried in Princeton Cemetery. The funerals were quite an event with a long cavalcade of hearses, flat beds and cars proceeding to the cemetery.
In its history, Blakeburn had 56 fatalities, but this 1930 disaster changed the way the Ministry of Mines promoted mine safety and support to rescue teams. Technology was introduced to make the rescue and recovery far quicker and safer for all concerned.

STATISTICS:
Among the dead at Blakeburn were:

Yugoslavia -Mike & Zeko Lubardo Brothers – buried together
Scotland -William & Peter Smith Brothers – buried next to each other
Yugoslavia -Frank & Joseph Stanich Brothers – buried together

Youngest – William Sim – 17.5 years old
Oldest – William O. Ross – 64 years old
Average age – 34.5 years

Employed shortest period of time:
Frank Gailus – 9 days
Employed longest period of time:
William Ross – June 30, 1921
Thomas Gibson – September 29, 1921
Clifford A. Smith – 1921

12 – born in Scotland 1 – born Germany
14 – born Yugoslavia 1 – born Lithuania
3 – born England 1 – born Ireland
3 – born USA 2 – born Poland
5 – born Canada 3 – born Russia
17 single men, 26 married men, 2 widowers

Sources
Blake, Don: Blakeburn,From Dust to Dust 1982
Currie, Laurie: Princeton, BC 1990
The photography of Howard McInroy
and the research of Lori Weissbach

THE LONG GOODBYE TO HAYNES RANCH

in Boundary/Okanagan/Osoyoos by

                                     An essay by Brian Wilson ©2013

John Carmichael Haynes left Ireland in 1858, hoping to join the police force which Chartres Brew, a friend of his uncle and chief inspector of police, expected to establish in the new colony of British Columbia. They arrived in Victoria on Christmas Day 1858, and early in January 1859 Governor James Douglas appointed Haynes and Thomas Elwyn special constables to accompany Brew on an expedition to quell disturbances among the gold-miners at Hills Bar (site of McGowen’s war against the Spuzzum Natives). Haynes then served at Yale as a constable under Magistrate Edward Howard Sanders, and in November 1859 was promoted to acting chief constable.
The next year Governor Douglas chose Haynes to assist William Cox, the notorious justice of the peace, assistant gold commissioner, and deputy collector of customs for the gold camp of Rock Creek. In this open range country around the Kettle River, it was easy for American traders, cattlemen, and mule-drivers to ignore the border and freight south. Douglas, to divert commerce to British hands, ordered the Hope-Princeton Trail built and stationed Cox and Haynes at Rock Creek to collect the taxes. Haynes arrived there on Oct. 15, 1860. Six weeks later Cox sent him to Similkameen, the scene of another gold flurry, where he opened a customs house in December. In 1861 the Cariboo gold rush drew miners north and by November the last miner had left Rock Creek. Inland traffic into British Columbia from Washington territory now passed through the Okanagan valley and Haynes was moved to Osoyoos Lake where he assumed responsibility for the whole area of Rock Creek, Okanagan, and Similkameen. He became deputy collector of customs in March 1862, a year in which 800 men and over 9,000 cattle, horses, and mules passed through his station, and he collected more than £2,200 in revenue by charging $6 a head for stock.
Cox remained as magistrate of Rock Creek, and later in 1861 he and Haynes had to deal with an uprising of miners and Indians. It seems a miner named Cherbart had been murdered by a young native of the Colville band. Although Cox had no jurisdiction on the US side of the border, the young man was retrieved and subsequently hanged without trial. The Okanagans, led by Chief Silhitza protested the lynching by the American miners and the fact that Cox refused to charge the whites with any crime. Silhitza travelled to the Oblate Mission on Mission Creek and had the Priest write a letter to Governor Douglas outlining the out-of-control violence against Natives in the Okanagan. He writes “that is what rouses the anger of all the Okanagan tribe which has already taken up arms. I tried to quiet the insurrection by assuring them that I have recourse to your kindness, persuaded as I am that you will give Mr. Cox instructions on the subject.” When questioned by Douglas, Cox just shrugged it off, reporting that everything was “satisfactory”. Judge Haynes had the power to stop the shooting and lynching but did nothing and native life was now changed forever.
Cox and Haynes were not finished with the Okanagans having to report many more violent problems over two years. In every case the final outcome was frontier justice. Cox failed to have any effect on relations with natives and whites. Douglas finally took him away from the magistrate job and made him Assistant Commissioner of Lands and Works, answering to Colonel Moody. Moody charged him with marking out a “reserve” as defined by the Indians themselves. Cox had a lengthy interview with Silhitza which ended in a satisfactory agreement for a reserve encompassing most of the head of the lake from Swan Lake to the Kamloops trail. Cox was sent off to do the same for the other Tribes of the Okanagan Nation. Cox despised this job almost as much as he despised the Natives.
The Okanagan Nation had been taught the value of agricultural land and many were experienced stock raisers long before the mining invasion. It made sense then, when marking out a reserve, that the Bands would chose good grazing land and winter range. They valued the land for the same reasons as the newly arrived competitors, and that was to support a quality of life. And so the land they chose was the best agricultural lands at the head and foot of the lake, well suited to subsistence farming and ranching. It would have supported them well had they been allowed to retain it.
Silhitza drew up a reserve for himself in N’kwala (Nicola Valley) and moved off hoping all was well. But then disaster struck. The Okanagans were decimated by a small pox outbreak in 1862/63. The many deaths seriously affected the population and their ability to govern themselves. Haynes showed complete indifference to the devastation of the Native population and it wasn’t long before white settlers barred their teeth and began gnawing away at the reserves.
John Carmichael Haynes replaced W. G. Cox as the Queen’s representative in the Okanagan Valley in 1862. Haynes was appointed to the Legislative Council in 1864 by Governor Fredrick Seymour and commissioned as a Justice of the Peace as well as collector of Customs. From his office in New Westminster he dealt with numerous complaints from good British immigrants. They complained that the Natives of the Okanagan had garnered all the best agricultural land and weren’t using it for anything but grazing. Haynes agreed that the reserves were far too large for the diminished population and he would authorize disposal of lands with compensation. Colonial Secretary Birch stepped into the fray and ordered Haynes to dispossess the Indians without compensation as the reserves were “out of proportion”.
Haynes was given an awesome level of power to deal with all issues of government in the south interior, near lordly, somewhat medieval. Judge Haynes returned to Osoyoos via the newly completed Dewdney Trail in 1865 to meet with surveyor J. Turnbull. They met with Chief Tonasket and travelled to Penticton to see Tom Ellis a local rancher. Turnbull did his best to map out the new boundaries as instructed by Haynes and to the disgust of Chief Tonasket. Tonasket can be credited for the retention of the best bottom lands for the Bands but the reserves on the lake were reduced to a shadow of the former acreage and common grazing lands were removed completely.
Judge Haynes was not a friend to the Okanagan Nation but he did surround himself with the elite of British Colonialists. If you arrived from the British Isles and wanted a particular piece of land, or a water license or you wanted someone to go away, Judge Haynes was there to help. Haynes surrounded himself with an Irish posse that struck fear into the hearts of all they encountered.
Attendance at the 1865 and 1866 sessions of the Legislative council strengthened Haynes’s ties with government officials. These associations proved helpful: in 1865 he obtained the power to reduce the size of the two large Indian reserves at the head and foot of Okanagan Lake, thus making meadow and range lands available for white settlement. That year Haynes also supervised the construction of a new customs house at “the narrows” of Osoyoos Lake. In August 1866 during the brief gold rush at Big Bend he was appointed district court judge at French Creek, but soon returned to Osoyoos as collector of customs. In November, when the colonies of British Columbia and Vancouver Island were united, Haynes remained on the civil list as deputy collector of customs for the southern boundary.
Haynes rapidly expanded his land holdings after 1872. In August 1869, with his gunman and fellow Irishman, Constable William Lowe, he acquired 160 acres of land at the head of Osoyoos Lake, to which he added an adjoining 480-acre tract the following year. In 1872, Lowe suffered a severe accident when hit by a train in Ontario. He returned to BC, but completed his duties in New Westminster until his death in 1882. At this time, Haynes had to deal with Mrs. Lowe and she demanded a considerable sum of money for her interest in the Haynes ranch. It was decided to place a mortgage on the property through the British Land and Investment Company in New Westminster. Further acquisitions between 1874 and 1888 increased his holdings to 20,756 acres. He established a horse ranch but could not find a market, and turned to cattle ranching, eventually increasing his herd to 4,000 head and acquiring the title of “The Cattle-King of the South Okanagan.” With his long-time friend and fellow Irishman, Tom Ellis, he made cattle drives over the Hope Trail to New Westminster and over the Dewdney Trail to Kootenay and Calgary. With his fine house on the shores of Osoyoos Lake, it was rumoured that his properties had a value of $200,000. Doubtless all would have been well if the Judge had lived to manage his affairs.
In 1888, while returning over the Hope Trail with his two sons who had been at school in Victoria, Haynes was taken ill. He died on July 6 at the home of John Fall Allison at Princeton and was buried at Osoyoos. Judge Haynes had carried out his duties in Osoyoos and the Kootenay using a firm hand in collection of BC’s first taxes. With other Irish landed immigrants he later shared a comfortable life as a country squire in a pastoral setting, and with them established cattle ranching as the first industry of the Okanagan.
After Haynes death, Mrs. Haynes and her children attempted to continue operations but failed and the mortgage was foreclosed in 1895.
Tom Ellis, with his connections in high places was able to purchase the $65,000 mortgage for the 20,000 plus acres. Within three weeks of the foreclosure, Ellis was able to secure a judgement against the estate and forced a sale of all stock, chattels and equipment.
Mrs. Haynes was devastated to say the least. She had always considered Ellis a family friend and confidant. Here he was taking her family to the cleaners. She hurried to the coast to take court action to stop the sale. She was successful in securing a stay of proceedings. As chance or circumstance will have it, the courier carrying the documents to stop the sale failed to arrive in Osoyoos on time and the sale proceeded. Ellis was successful in keeping the pending public sale from being advertised so attendance was very small. The few who attended lacked the resources to compete with Ellis. Ellis purchased the entire estate paying $17,000 for the 400 head and the horses, $2 per ton for the hay etc. etc.
Emily Haynes was able to maintain the Osoyoos home on the west side of the lake that the Judge had built in 1882. It was an impressive two story, 10 room structure of hewn logs. She remained in it until her death.
 

The 50 acre property was sold to D.P. Fraser in 1917, and the Fraser family lived in the structure for three generations.
When you consider that the home is nearly the same age as the Grist Mill in Keremeos, it must have tremendous heritage value, but heritage is chronically low priority in small communities. When the Fraser family sold the property in 1990, George failed to succeed in his attempt to have it set aside as the Osoyoos Museum. They opted for the curling rink that now must be vacated.
The new owners, Harbens and Harkesh Dhaliwal, have begun to dismantle the home in preparation for a winery on the property.
The ranch is still evident today in the skeletal remains of the buildings perched on a sandy dune on Road 22 in the regional district. Are any or all of the structures worth saving? Can they even be saved, and if so, for what? In 2015, Dave Mattes of the Haynes Ranch Preservation Committee stated they have efforts underway to try and save the mortise and tendon barn, possibly for wildlife habitat.

Editor’s note: Maybe the Haynes name should fade away. I know he was the originator of Osoyoos and Oliver, and the foremost European settler. But we need to put in perspective his position as a notorious colonialist and imperialist. His relationship with local Indigenous peoples needs to live in infamy.

A FORGOTTEN GOLD RUSH – THE OLALLA MINES

in Keremeos/Okanagan/Similkameen by

James Riorden was a rancher from Olalla. He was also one of the original 18 men who staked claims at Hedley Camp in 1895. Today, a mountain at Apex Alpine area is named in his honor.
James had a feeling that the vein of gold, silver, copper, lead and zinc at Hedley Camp would pop up in other areas to the east. He registered several claims at Apex Lake that proved very lucrative.
The name “Olalla” is a derivative of the Chinook word “Olallie”, the local name for Saskatoon 

berries. The area was a popular hunting area for Similkameen Natives and the creek helped operate the early grist mill for those growing grains. Locals were startled by the hundreds of prospectors crawling over the hillsides at the turn of the century.
There was little for those passing through and the closest civilization was Upper Keremeos and even there provisions were sparse. Before L.A. Clark was commissioned to build a road from Penticton to Nickle Plate Mine, all provisions came by wagon from across the border at Republic, Washington. The closest Government registry was at Fairview, quite an arduous trek from Olalla. Claims were commonly “jumped” by those registering before the true owner could make it to the Gold Commissioner’s office.
With several hundred miners squatting on the flats near the mouth of Olalla Creek, it wasn’t long before a few buildings went up. Mr. Pritchard, a Keremeos farmer, opened a store in 1900. Soon after he became postmaster as well. Local rancher,
Emanuel Barcelo, had opened a hotel at Upper Keremeos, but it was constantly at maximum tenancy. So Prichard built a small hotel as well, to cash in on the arrival of those with money.
But as all gold rushes go, this one went and most miners left. Prichard managed to keep the post office open until 1912, then all went to Central Keremeos on the freight road and to Lower Keremeos to the railroad.
Several surveys for railways were done in the years up to 1900. The map shown here has a proposed Columbia and Western Railroad through Olalla and Keremeos. This spur to Penticton was part of the Great Northern survey of Jim Hill’s empire to haul minerals to smelters in the east.
Some of the claims on the upper creek showed good returns, particularly Sunrise, Sweetner, Shepard, Powder and Hedley Monarch. But they were never to the extent of Camp Hedley claims. It was very labour intensive to remove the metals from the hard base rock. This caused a lot of early claims to be sold to the larger companies and the miners wandered off to other gold strikes.
One of the successful corporations to continue in Olalla was Gold Valley Mines Ltd. It continued to mine the Sunrise and Shepard claims acquired in 1935. It was successful in grading 18.41 grams of gold per tonne and 17.44 grams of silver per tonne from new shafts. For 1948, the company recovered 3763 grams of silver, 4261 grams of gold and 209 kilograms of copper. The mine closed that year and the company changed hands often until acquired by Goldcliff Resources Corp. who holds the mines in Olalla today.

A RETROSPECTIVE ON KELOWNA CITY PARK

in Kelowna/Okanagan/sports by

 

 

Editorial by Brian Wilson ©2014

Back in April 2014, long-time Kelowna resident and business man, Don Burnett put forward a plan to rebuild the Kelowna Aquatic Centre in City Park. It burned in 1969 and was never rebuilt.
The photos here are quite explicit in depicting the long and successful history of the Aquatic Club and it’s evolution.
Why was City Park dedicated to public use all those years ago? It was underwater for three month each year, that’s why..
Water Street is aptly named as it was the high water mark of the era prior to drainage controls.
By June each year, water had subsided and events could be planned next to the Government Wharf at the foot of Bernard. The first events were planned as part of the Annual Fall Fair that took place at the grounds at the foot of Knox Mountain.
As this was an affluent community of British Colonialists, there were a lot of boats and boating competitions. The first gas-powered competition took place in 1905. George Rose, editor of the local paper took it on himself to organize the first summer festival in 1906 and in August that year, the first Regatta was held.
The Fall Fair continued on it’s dates as well with horse-racing, polo, steeplechase and the usual produce displays.
There was lots to do and everyone in town attended. George sold shares in the newly formed Aquatic Association and raised $10,000 to build the first pavilion to seat 800. In 1910, the Regatta became a two-day affair.
In 1920 a thirty four foot extension to the grandstand was built and the Aquatic building soon became a centre for year round dances and fundraising events.
In 1930, the first Pageant was held and in 1931 the first Regatta Queen was crowned. The event was re-named “Lady of the Lake” in 1934. These ladies were crowned on a large floating stage at the grandstand.
It wasn’t until after the war that the first parade was held. As with Penticton, the first was 1947 and it was a tremendous success. The Kinsmen Club and later the JCs organized a real crowd pleaser.
Kelowna’s long-time Mayor; Dick Parkinson was involved in Regatta from 1931 on and became known as “Mr. Regatta” for his participation in innovative changes that made Regatta a tourist draw.
The park facilities were remodeled in 1954 with the addition of the Ogopogo Stadium and Pool. This new grandstand made possible huge championship events such as National swimming, diving and rowing.
Then in 1969 the stadium burned down. On July 13, a fire started under the grandstand and quickly became an inferno that devastated the Association and the city. It was decided to not rebuild it and to change the theme of Regatta away from a community event to a tourist draw.
I must note here that Commonwealth and Olympic athletes, the Athans Brothers were the favourites of many of the water events. Greg was a champion water-skier with his brother George. Their father, George Sr., was a champion diver and their mother, Irene, was a synchronized swimmer and speed swimmer. Younger brother Gary, was an Olympic competitor in downhill skiing. These were the champions raised in the pool at the Aquatic.
The Ogopogo Pool and wharves remained useable after the fire and remained an integral part of the venue until late 70s.
Large tourist events were advertised all over the Pacific Northwest to draw people to Kelowna for that weekend. World-class hydroplane races and air shows worked wonders to draw a generous visitor to Kelowna during the 60s and 70s. But all that spelled the end to the feeling of a small-town community festival.
As the stage and boardwalk became unsafe the venue was changed to the lakefront a little north of downtown. Regatta continued to grow, but it grew away from city park. The physical focus of City Park was greatly diminished.
By mid-eighties, the Regatta was an international event with air shows and hydroplane races, but few community oriented events. Organizers continued to promote “bigger and better” ideas to attract younger adults and their generous spending.
The Regatta of 1986 brought the first riot. 105 people were arrested, 68 from out of town.
The next year was a repeat and that was the end of the Regatta forever.
Don Burnett and Brian Sprout, in their analysis, know that part of the problem of the use of the park, is the lack of a core facility that the community can identify with. What Kelowna needs to embrace, Don remarked, is a full-time, year round pavilion and pool that becomes a destination for local families. An Arts, Heritage and Culture centre for a vast number of diverse events that cause a natural evolution of ever increasing use. A grandstand and pool would replace the long-gone outdoor pool with the only Olympic size pool in the valley. Don has an idea to heat the surrounding water with geothermal for a longer season.
Grandiose idea? Sure. But it’s a start at creating something the growing population can call their own and bring competitive water sports back to Kelowna.

THE LOUGHEED LEGACY – THE STORY OF AL AND EVANS LOUGHEED

in Okanagan/Penticton/Wine Industry by

 

The Lougheed family were businessmen their whole lives. Sons Al and Evans grew up around their father’s grocery store on the corner of 49th and Maple in Vancouver. It did so well that the family opened “Lougheed 5 Cent to a Dollar” in the four thousand block of East Hastings Street in 1948. The postwar boom created a resurgence of investment and in 1951 they sold out to F.W. Woolworths.

  Al and Evans Lougheed

The families had vacationed in Penticton after the war and had heard many times of the lack of accommodation in the small town. Al and Evans began looking for a suitable property to build a hotel in downtown. They found that property on the corner of Nanaimo and Martin Street.
The old city building, magistrate’s office, police station and fire hall occupied 7 lots on that corner. Mayor Rathbun and his council were thrilled that a hotel could be built in the downtown core and he personally lobbied on the Lougheeds’ behalf to see them secure this property. The company offered $30,500 for the property. Seemed a little low at the time but the hotel would supply many jobs and services needed in the growing economy. As always seems to happen in Penticton, there was a tremendous outcry from some established citizens.
In April of 1950, Penticton citizens voted on a plebiscite to allow the sale of beer by the glass. Sounds odd today, but in the minds of the conservative community, it was a big step. Hotels were now allowed a separate beer parlour. R.J. Adams, owner of the Incola Hotel announced the construction of a separate building in December of that year. George Drossos of the Three Gables protested the proposed Lougheed hotel with ads in the Herald, letters to council and rallies with those who sided with him. It was obvious that he was threatened by the competition and used the low land offer to fan the flames.
Local media moguls, Grev Rowland and Dick Sharp, jumped to assist the Lougheed plan with supportive releases and counter ads.
The bylaw passed council unanimously just before Christmas. With solid support from Fire Chief Mervyn Foreman, council launched the demolition of the old buildings and the moving of the fire equipment to a shed on Brunswick Street. Construction of the hotel began right after New Year’s 1951.

The new hotel was named The Prince Charles after the new Prince of Wales. It opened its doors to great fanfare on October 18th, 1951. The investment of over $350,000 included 52 rooms, the spacious banquet hall and the Tartan Room Restaurant. A partnership was signed with Greyhound Transportation to provide a new bus depot on the south side. Two other lots were purchased (one from Mayor Rathbun’s son) to develop the depot. The renovations included a 5 bay overhang and a large coffee shop to be open at all hours.
Other retailers leased the stores created on a strip in front of the hotel. McDonalds Gifts, Canadian Pacific Telegrams and Heather’s Ladies Apparel did business there.
The bus depot had been across the street on at least six lots and after the depot moved to the Prince Charles, the Loughheed Brothers purchased the property. In 1956, Evans discovered that Revenue Canada was looking to locate in Penticton. In meetings that year, he offered to provide a building for their offices. They agreed and the Lougheed Brothers constructed a building across from the hotel on the bus depot and Hub Billiards lots. This building not only became the Revenue Canada Centre but housed the new Toronto Dominion Bank, Sun Life Assurance Co., Law Offices, BA Oil Office, etc. for a total of 13 offices. Over the years, the retail floor held Fashion First, BCAA, and many more.
The building opened April 12th, 1957 to headlines of “Lougheed Brothers faith in city future typified in new building” and “Business services are boosted by Lougheed Block development.
By 1961, The Prince Charles was the centre of community activities. Most organizations such as Kiwanis, Rotary had their meetings there. There were 67 regular employees that generated over $150,000 in wages each year. The rooms had started at $2 in 1951 and by 1961 topped room rates in town at $9.75 for a double bed with TV. Under the management of R.J. Argue, the place flourished.
In 1964, the brothers sold the hotel and dissolved their business partnership. Al moved to Kelowna and invested in Haug Building Supply on Highway 97 near the corner of Highway 33. Evans stayed in Penticton and looked to the wine industry for a new enterprise.
Evans had been impressed with the proliferation of vinifera grapes and the wine produced from them. He approached local vine grower Tony Biollo for advice on beginning a European style winery. He took Tony on as a partner and they made an offer on the Klaus orchard at the junction of South Main and Skaha Lake Road. The trees came down and the winery buildings went up. Of course, it wasn’t that simple. Evans realized there was a tremendous risk in this new agri-business. He applied for a local incentive development program from the Federal and Provincial Governments. This provided funds for the import of hybrid root stock of German and French grapes. Evans called Al and they purchased Osoyoos Vineyards to grow the stock and to process grapes already growing. On October 6th, 1966 they did their first crush. In attendance were Industry Minister Charles Drury and Provincial Agricultural Minister, Frank Richter. Casabello Wines was born.
The official opening of the wine shop was August 18th, 1967. It was the first in BC to have its own sales shop away from the LCB. Some of the innovative marketing for the winery was litre carafes and wine in a box. Casabello stoked the fire under other wine producers to design and build their own attractive wine shops to entertain tourists.

Unfortunately Al died March 24th, 1972 leaving Evans and investors to go on without him. Evans’ daughter and son-in-law were able to buy out Al’s family interest in the Osoyoos Vineyard two years later, and continued to produce the tonnage needed to supply the winery.

Evans continued with Casabello until his retirement in 1982, but he wasn’t done yet. He helped start Canwood Furniture Factory the same year. He just had a sense of obligation to provide jobs to those willing to work at something interesting.
Evans lived long enough to see his Casabello Wine building come down to make way for the new Zellers store in 1994. He died of Cancer December 14th at age 80.


His legacy remained on the mall sign as “Lougheed Centre” until the arrival of Superstore when the name mysteriously was deleted.

Thank you Stephanie Welsman for supplying the “Lougheed Scrapbook”, created by her mother, for my research.
Photography: Hugo Redivo, Harry Davis, Ed Aldredge

OLD KENNARD OF NAHUN LANDING

in Okanagan/Okanagan Lake Communities by

a letter from John Hamston, 1981

To give you a brief rundown on this most unusual gentleman, Old Kennard came to Canada from England well before the turn of the century and lived for many years at Nahun, on Okanagan Lake’s westside trail to O’Keefe Ranch. During his tenure, he kept a store and post office (he was the official Postmaster) that tended to about 40 people in the area.
He was an avid hunter and a close friend of Major Allan Brooks, the wildlife artist, and they both spent a great deal of time hunting ducks and the like. Kennard made a little extra cash marketing the ducks to the neighbours.
When the first war broke out, Kennard applied for active service, but age prevented him from getting in. However, he was accepted for Home

 

 

 

 

 

 

Vernon Internment Camp and the Home Guard

Guard duty and when the prisoner-of -war camp was established in Vernon, this is where he was assigned. He stayed until the war was over in 1918.
When he was accepted in the Home Guard, the Government bought his store at Nahun. They had to keep the Post Office open even though all the settlers on the westside were English and all joined the armed forces.
After the war, he sold the property at Nahun to Bernard Biggin and moved to Okanagan Centre. He bought several town lots from Mr. Major, another British character in his own right.
No doubt Old Kennard had a private income from England because when he was discharged from the army he came to the Centre and immediately built himself a house. This was no ordinary bachelor’s cabin, but an honest to goodness two story house. Granted there was no basement, but he built a beer cellar quite close with a storage room above. A little further away he built a garage to house his Austin, one of the very few cars at Okanagan Centre at the time. Up the hill about fifty feet, he built a large workshop where he spent many hours.
You see, back in England, Kennard had trained to be a “Brewmaster”. This was after a formal education at Marlborough University. He produced a very limited amount of fine ale using hops he grew in his garden.
Kennard was immaculate in his habits and was the envy of the housewives of the district. His garden was also a joy to behold, both for the vegetables and the flowers. His Honeysuckle grew over little fences and arbors and could be smelled for miles.
Every Sunday would see visitors come from Kelowna and elsewhere by boat to stop and admire his garden. He would prepare a picnic area and be the perfect, gracious host to all.

Old Kennard at home in Okanagan Center

He would invariably offer his guests a bottle of home-brewed ale. He was always frugal with his supply and the offer was only extended as a single bottle. He was not having anyone leaving his place in the least inebriated.
When I was married in 1933, after having lived at Okanagan Centre for some four years, I bought two twenty-five foot lots from Old Kennard for the princely sum of fifty dollars. It was the depression, after all.
It was during the last seven years of Mr. Kennard’s life that I found out what a truly fine a man he was. Poor folks with large families, and there was many at this time, would inevitably find a large hamper of food on their doorstep on Christmas morning, with no indication of where this manna came from.
Although he never married, he had a great love for children. Our two year old boy would meet his other neighbour’s three and four year old girls at Kennard’s which was halfway in between. They were warned by Kennard that there would be no crying or they would be sent home. Inevitably tears would flow but would always be stopped by his stock of sweets.
Old Kennard was truly a legend.

DAVID ERSKINE GELLATLY VS THE CPR – A TALE OF WEST KELOWNA

in Kelowna/Okanagan/Peachland by

The Gellatly family comprised of David E., Eliza, and four sons and five daughters, arrived at Powers Creek near what was to become Westbank in 1900. They had worked hard growing potatoes at Shorts Creek across from Okanagan Landing and had earned enough to actually purchase their own parcel of rough, uncleared land close to a year-round creek.
All their efforts depended on the water rights to the creek, and Mr. Gellatly made it clear with his neighbours that he would hold the rights. This caused considerable strife, but also led to the establishment of the Okanagan Irrigation and Power Company Ltd. The company offered 100,000 shares at $1 each with funds raised going to improvements and dams on Powers Creek. The surrounding farmers protested that they were buying into a project that they already owned and so the company folded before it began. What this did establish was Mr. Gellatly’s dominance in the area.
The Gellatlys planted crops immediately after the land was cleared, both on the lower acres and on the benchlands. Onions, tomatoes, and squash were shipped east right away. By 1903, there were berries, peas, beans, and melons harvested from between the rows of young fruit trees.
It wasn’t long before a steamer wharf was constructed, complete with packinghouse, warehouse, box factory and stables. D.E. Gellatly made application for a Post Office, and in July, 1903, the application was granted and “Gellatly” became a post office with D.E. as postmaster. He also applied to CPR to sell money orders and telegraphs, and became a “Station Agent.” He was an officer of several Kelowna banks and cashed cheques for the locals. Mr. Gellatly rented cold storage in the warehouse and brokered fruit sales from Peachland to Bear Creek. He was the quintessential “Tomato King” of the west side of the lake.
D.E. had always had problems with CPR. The Gellatly’s were, as all other growers, dependant on the good service of steamers and tugs. In 1908, with the financial assistance of the Provincial Government, D.E. Gellatly built a shipping wharf for Gellatly Landing. The Government provided the pilings and superstructure for the north side of the wharf, and Gellatlys built the buildings on the south portion.
Even though the system was in place, it did not guarantee timely delivery. The system seemed simple enough. If you had between 3 and 5 tons of produce, you could load bushel boxes or sacks on the sternwheelers with handcarts. Each part of the shipment was delivered to a wharf or depot for pick up. If it was more than 10 tons you leased a freight car from CPR and loaded it yourself, then sealed it, and it would be unloaded by a broker in Calgary or Winnipeg, then delivered to the wholesalers. The hope was that the car would stay cool and dry and not sit on a siding for a week. CPR made you think it could deliver in 3 days.

“City Health Department, Winnipeg, February 23, 1912.
Dear Mr. Gellatly,
Re: Inspection of Cars
The first car arrived on Sept. 18/11 and was seen by me on Sept. 25th and ordered re-packed. I also saw the car on Sept. 26th, 27th, October 2nd, 4th, and 5th, the ticket being given for condemned tomatoes on the 5th.
The second car arrived on Sept. 28th, was seen by me on the 29th, and visited on October 12th, 17th, 19th 20th, 21st, and 23rd, the ticket being given for condemned tomatoes on the 23rd.I looked these dates up in my daily reports. The large number of visits paid was for the purpose of seeing that the re-packing was properly done and only bad tomatoes destroyed.
Sincerely, P.B. Gustin, Chief of Food and Dairy Division”

By 1910, with all crops producing extremely well, David and Sons found a good Scottish distributor in Calgary. The MacPherson Fruit Company Ltd. appointed one of their brokers, Mr. J.G. Moody, to oversee the receiving and distribution of Okanagan produce to points north and east. Mr. Moody was incredibly successful in selling anything Gellatly farms could produce.
On the night of October 20th, 1910, daughter Eliza died of scarlet fever. David and Mrs. Gellatly tried in vain to get medicine from Kelowna on to the sternwheeler using Dominion Express. It all went horribly wrong with the druggist missing the deadline for freight. Mr. Gellatly took quick action to hold all responsible with written complaints and legal letters to CPR, Dominion Express, Willit’s Drugs, and Dr. Knox. The loss was devastating and it changed the way the family dealt with CPR. There was a trust that was broken.

“Scott Fruit Company, Medicine Hat January 13th, 1915
Gentlemen,
We beg to draw your attention to 6 sacks of onions over-credited in car #92014, these we have applied on car #72016 and paid for one which balances the 7 short on the latter car.
There was heavy loss by shrinkage on cukes, cants, citron, & tomatoes as shown on the statements, but apart from these items we think we have done very well for you.
Regarding the freight on that car, we took the matter up with CPR and they showed that the words “to make up a minimum car” was a mistake, it should have been “to make up actual weight as scaled at Calgary.” We have to pay the net weight according to the CPR’s scaling and if a car is billed at less than the scaled weight, the CPR adds the difference.”

D.E. made a dramatic change to operations in 1915, with the incorporation of the British Columbia Fruit and Produce Company Ltd. He leased the empty Massey-Harris tractor warehouse next to the rail yards in Calgary as a distribution point for his goods. He put J.G. Moody in charge, hired workers, and installed cold storage units. This proved successful and was a banner year for sales.
At home, the S.S. Sicamous and tug Naramata had been launched on Okanagan Lake the year before. CPR was installing car-slips (wharfs with rails) at some of the larger centres to allow barges to unload boxcars and leave them while serving other areas. Gellatly immediately made application for one of the car-slips.

“To: F.W. Peters, Department of Transport
June 19/15
Sir:
For your information, I can say that we had commenced the grading of the trackage and had all our arrangements for rails and other materials completed. When Captain Gore, acting under instructions from Mr. McKay, called and asked us to suspend operations for the purpose of allowing the company a chance to include a carslip in the next appropriations, and stating that in consideration of our doing so that he would arrange for a car-barge service so that we could load the cars on the barge. This arrangement was carried out satisfactorily (as in the past).
But conditions are so very much changed that it would be impossible to handle crops of Westbank and our own under the present arrangements……trusting that you will go into this matter fully and investigate conditions before coming to the conclusion that the carslip would only serve us individually. You will find that the Westbank District is also interested in having the carslip built.”

On July 31st, 1915, D.E. Gellatly wrote to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works in Victoria:
“Sir:
We beg to make application for the cancellation of lease of the foreshore rights granted to the CPR in 1908 at Gellatly for a car-slip.
Owing to the failure of the company to construct or provide any shipping facilities for the handling of car load shipments, makes it necessary for us to have car-slip accommodation which we are willing to construct at our own expense. But we are unable to do so owing to the most available and suitable site being held by the CPR.”
The reply was:
“After careful consideration of the case as submitted by the Railway Company, this department is of the opinion that it will not be possible to entertain your application for the cancellation of the lease in question. Before the lease was given, your consent appears to have been secured and you doubtless entered into some satisfactory arrangement with the railway company as to the matter in which the said premises should be improved and used.”

Gellatly Farms and the surrounding orchardists were forced to continue loading at wharves, both Gellatly and Westbank, the old way by hand rather on carslips. This went on until 1919.
In the spring of 1919, Captain Robertson of the S.S. Sicamous started making beach landings at Gellatly. His decision was made on inspection of the condition of the wharf. David protested loudly. He now had to haul goods to the Westbank wharf about a mile from Gellatly. He continued to correspond with the Province to fund the upgrade of their portion of his wharf.

“Sir:
During the many years that Capt. Estabrooks was on the steamers, the wharves were never in the condition that they are in at present, and the cause is not far to seek, even our slip protected by a pile many feet distance from the wharf was demolished, track and all. We must insist on the steamer making landings at the wharf during suitable weather conditions. It is no more difficult to land at the wharf than at the point (beach landing) during a south wind, and now that there is high water there is ample room to make the landing on the part of the wharf that is not damaged.”

Then on October 28, 1919, the S.S. Sicamous rammed the wharf at Gellatly, destroying the front portion and nearly injuring those waiting to board. The family set to repairs at their own expense. Frustration was wearing D.E. Gellatly thin.

His efforts now focused on the planned construction of a central wharf to be built half way between the Government Wharf at Westbank and Gellatly Wharf. A petition had been circulated 2 years ago and had remained on the provincial minister’s desk with no mention of deliberation. The excuse was negotiations with the Dominion Government.
It was assumed that one of the landings had to go. It was to be Gellatly.

The protest was launched:
“Minister of Transportation, November 10th, 1919
Sir: (excerpt)
For your information to the Department –
In reference to the wharf at Westbank: This wharf is built on the Indian Reserve and the Indians refuse to allow any buildings to be erected for the storage of shipments thereby rendering it impossible to ship perishable products during the winter months.
Owing to these restrictions, it is necessary that a wharf be constructed where building sites can be secured for the necessary warehouse accommodation. A suitable site has been offered. The attached plan shows a site in the bay about half way between the two wharves, which adjoins the Government roads from Westbank, Gellatly and Glenrosa. This would meet the requirements of the whole district as a shipping point.”


And finally:
“From Jas Burray, CPR, Okanagan Landing, December 29, 1919
Dear Sir:
In order to assist you in moving your produce this winter, it will be in order for you to flag the steamer Sicamous northbound only, three times a week providing you have not less than five tons or more to move, if you have southbound shipments to go forward, you may put them on the stop northbound and we will deliver same at destination on the south trip. The calls of course will be subject to weather conditions and wharf condition.”

The wharf at Gellatly got worse as the community grew. There was a tremendous need for suitable freighting slips and other communities were getting them. CPR launched a second tug “Kelowna” in 1920 and proceeded to build barge slips at Summerland, Okanagan Centre and even Greata Ranch. There was talk of the Canadian Northern Railway being built from Kamloops to Kelowna. Westbank and Gellatly were not included in any of these plans.
The Calgary office just couldn’t fill orders with all these shipping delays. The family decided to just sell what they could locally and close the warehouse. They were able to sublet the building to the C.P.R. Soon after, the British Columbia Fruit and Produce Company Ltd. was dissolved.


Disaster struck the Gellatly Family. March 3rd, 1920, the wharf and all its buildings burned to the water line. It was thought that a spark from the stack of the S.S. Sicamous had landed on the roof of the warehouse setting it ablaze. There was some insurance in the amount of $4000 but the losses were over $20,000
David Sr. accused CPR of negligence and immediately retained E.P. Davis, a Vancouver lawyer, to begin a suit for $25,000 and costs. CPR Lawyer J.E McMullen answered with “The Company is quite satisfied the fire was not caused by sparks from the Steamer “Sicamous”.
Gellatly was told that this accusation was going to be very difficult to prove in court. David set out to garner proof himself with testimonials from those who were there.

“To: Robert Pearson, Esq., Vancouver B.C.
April 6/20
Dear Sir: Having had our wharf and buildings burned down on the 3rd of March from a spark from the steamer setting the roof of the packing shed on fire while loading a car of apples here. We intend bringing suit against the Canadian Pacific Railway Co. for the amount of our loss and wish to have all the evidence possible to prove our case. Knowing that you have been on the steamer for some considerable time, we thought you could possibly help to prove that sparks or hot ashes come from the smoke stack. The writer went on the top deck today and noticed considerable fine ashes in the lifeboats which evidently came from the funnel. Kindly let us know all the particulars in this connection.”
The insurance company sent an adjuster to view the damage. Even though D.E. had let the policy run out, the claim was processed and sometime later a cheque was received. After legal fees demanded were paid, little was left for the rebuilding of the wharf. Application was made to the Provincial Government for funds to rebuild but as only a portion of the wharf was the responsibility of the province, the application was denied. He tried the Federal Government. They responded with: “As you know, the department already has a wharf at Westbank on which authority was given to expend this year the sum of $3300 and an additional item for the extension of the wharf is being noted for the consideration of Council in connection with the estimates for the fiscal year 1921-22.”

David Gellatly was dumb-struck. He was looking at more than two years before a court date and the CPR was playing their usual dirty tricks. Writs were not processed on time, witnesses were not told proper dates, postponements were often set without lawyers attending, and his lawyers wanted more money.
Then the final straw, the Inspector of Taxation wanted to audit the Calgary business. D.E. replied, “The British Columbia Fruit and Produce Company Ltd. was closed up over a year ago with a liability of over $10,000. The books and papers were shipped here some time in February and reached here on March 2nd. Unfortunately they were in our warehouses on March 3rd when the whole premises were destroyed by fire causing a loss of $34,000.”
The lawsuit was never settled. David Erskine Gellatly was a broken man financially, emotionally and physically. He entered Vernon Jubilee Hospital for surgery from which he did not recover, dying on March 7th, 1920, at age 65.
Long Live the “Tomato King of the Okanagan”.

Authors note:
The Westbank carslip was installed not long after the launch of the CN #3 tug. It was begun in 1927 and completed October 1930. Rails installed to the packinghouse were used by both CPR and CNR until the 1970’s. The remnants of the wharf are now part of the lakeshore park swimming area.


Thank you to the Regional District of the Central Okanagan and the Gellatly Nut Farm Regional Park Society for the use of the comprehensive archive of the Gellatly family.

HALFWAY TO FAIRVIEW THE BIG ALEX HOTEL IN OKANAGAN FALLS

in Okanagan/Oliver/Penticton by

In 1906, Warwick Arnott came into a lot of money.
James Ritchie, Summerland lumber baron and developer, was desperate to buy Arnott’s property in what was to become Kaleden. Arnott and his brother didn’t have a lot invested in what they called “Stage Ranch”, having pre-empted the 360 acres for $2.50. What they did have was a profitable livery and team exchange frequented by freight haulers moving goods from Penticton to the gold mining town of Fairview.
(The road was particularly rough along the “Dog Lake” shoreline and it took a four horse team most of the day to haul a large freight wagon 20 miles from the wharf in Penticton to the corrals in Dog Town. Horses could to be changed at Krugers or at Stage Ranch.)
Warwick and James Ritchie settled on $1000 for the property, a small fortune in the day. Ritchie began building his Utopian community and Arnott was invited to join Bill Snodgrass in the building of Dog Town at the foot of Dog (Skaha) Lake.
One of the successful freight lines was owned by D.M. McDougall and Bill Hine. Warwick made McDougall an offer for his share and he accepted. Warwick drove team right up to the war years.
But he had all this money burning a hole in his pockets and old Snodgrass was about to leave the valley for Oregon after the death of his son. Snodgrass had a stopping house, livery and store in the area and Arnott was able to pick the property up quite cheap. The property included the partially constructed “Big Alex”.
The hotel was on the beach near what is now Rotary Park in Okanagan Falls. With all the traffic to Fairview going through the small town, it was a smart move to finish it off.
Snodgrass had several investors in the hotel who he called the Dog Town Syndicate. These investors had to be satisfied. Arnott and Hine turned to the few pioneers living in Dog Town and asked them to help out. Many came forward to complete the hotel. Pioneer names like Bassett, Mckinnon, McLelland, Keefe, Darragh, and Rood all pitched in to make the Alexandra a landmark.
Eric Sismey wrote in 1963 “It stood, white-painted, in a magnificent location, set back from a sand beach at the foot of Dog Lake. Many of the rooms faced north, offering a vista of the blue waters of the lake, nestled between grey-green hills that faded in the distance into the blue summer haze. The furnishings were lavish, in keeping with the anticipated development around the Falls and with the boom that extended across British Columbia.”
That development had been planned by W.J. Snodgrass in his dealings with Jim Hill, head of the Great Northern Railroad. Hill had his eyes on the gold, silver and copper deposits in the boundary area and was keen, with the co-operation of Snodgrass, to make Dog Town the terminus of several of his railways. This plan fell apart with the C.P.R. survey in Penticton in 1908. It became all about sovereignty. Fairview was able to haul ore to Oroville with the completion of the GN in 1907.
The day the Alex opened, October 2, 1908, one of the first to check in was the Governor General of Canada, Earl Grey accompanied by his aide Capt. Pickering. They were visiting J.M. Robinson in Naramata and were on a tour of Fairview and area.
For a short time the hotel featured “Bimbo the Bear”. This young black bear was captured by Bill Hine on a hunting trip and became the mascot of the Alex. Eventually, we imagine, Bimbo became bear stew.
When war was declared, Warwick and many others took the boat to Vernon and joined the B.C. Horse. He served 18 months in the trenches and was gassed. He remained in England after his recovery and became an instructor for gas warfare.
Within days of his return, he married Ellen Bassett, who he had courted prior to the war.
But Warwick could not adjust to the postwar world. He was particularly concerned with the introduction of prohibition in B.C. Things were tough enough without the loss of whisky revenues. The hotel fell on hard times.
He and Ellen decided to sell out and drive stage for awhile. Ellen’s father ran the Bassett mail stage to Oroville and was very supportive.
The Big Alex became empty and deserted. By the mid 1920s there was only a shell left of the majestic building and it was dismantled in 1928. The lumber was salvaged and used by the community to build the Community Hall. The hall was opened in 1929.
The hall is now a retail store called “The Red Barn”.

Research:
OHS Reports
Christie, J.R: The Story of Okanagan Falls 1958
Photos: Bassett Col. Ted Symonds
Daryl Waterman

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